The Mad Historian's Athenaeum, Vol. 1, No. 24

Today is the 242nd anniversary of the Boston Tea Party. I do not have any reviews of Benjamin Labaree's books as of yet, so I will celebrate with a review of a book that does deal with some of the people that played a role in the American Revolution in the Massachusetts area as well as others.

Alfred F. Young, Gary B. Nash, and Ray Raphael. Revolutionary Founders: Rebels, Radicals, and Reformers in the Making of a Nation. New York: Alfred A Knopf, 2011. 452 pp.

            Most Americans have a general idea of what the American Revolution was regardless of whether or not they understand the fine details of how it began and what followed afterwards. Few Americans know the men and women they will encounter in reading this collection of twenty-two essays penned by many of the leading historians of this period. In many ways these individuals had just as great a role in the founding of the US as the men who most consider to be Founders such as John Adams, George Washington, and Benjamin Franklin. Although they are hardly known to the people of today, these individuals were the ones who helped start the Revolution, sustain it during the long years of combat, and determine the future direction of the new nation.

            The late Alfred F. Young, esteemed historian from Northern Illinois University begins the book with an essay on Ebenezer Mackintosh, the leader of the mobs that resisted the Stamp Act in 1765 in the streets of Boston. The tone of the book is set by this essay as Young explores the role of the common people in the Revolution. Without the support of the people there would have been no Revolution and no United States created in 1776. Yet, the people were not united in their actions nor were the men who are remembered as Founders on the national and state levels. In many cases the actions of the people led those men into supporting the Revolution. Unfortunately the common men would be forgotten or marginalized by the more well known men who took over the reins of the revolutionary effort. 

            Men like Ebenezer Mackintosh, Timothy Bigelow, and Joseph Plumb Martin along with black men and women both free and enslaved played prominent roles in their part of the Revolution along with Native Americans. All levels of colonial society was affected by the events that took place and despite the attempts by many to prevent change on a large scale, social, political, economic, cultural, and even religious change occurred on a massive level as the Revolution set the former British colonies on a different tangent than the home country. In reading these essays the reader can begin to develop an inkling of why historians like Gordon Wood think the period of the greatest change in the US came after the Revolution during the years of the Early Republic era. 

            These are certainly not all of the legions of forgotten patriots who put everything on the line during these years. If there is a drawback to this book it is that it doesn’t weave the essays into a grand narrative of US history although after each essay there is a section for further reading detailing additional sources to explore regarding the events and people brought up in that particular essay. What is interesting is that each historian has their own input on what was going on concerning the subject their essay was about so that the reader will begin to understand there are still many differing opinions on what exactly was going on in that time and how the individuals portrayed in that essay were both reacting to and participating in it. 

 

            For readers more familiar with the short topic form of literature the length of the essays here will fit them perfectly. They average 15 to 20 pages each and are compact enough to provide useful readings for both high school and college courses in addition to local historical society meetings. Even social organizations would find something to like in these essays. The essay by Richard S. Newman covers Prince Hall and the founding of Prince Hall Freemasonry in the United States which just naturally impels the reader to look up more information on that subject.  

            The essays that deal with events following the Revolution are poignant in that they cover subjects which have been debated throughout our nation’s history such as taxation, the unequal distribution of wealth, religion, the relationship between federal and state government, and the role of the people within both the state and federal governments. The reader should begin to understand that these essays deal with a time that is lost to the modern world and was experiencing massive upheavals in every aspect of life from top to bottom as the people began the world over again as Thomas Paine said. The men and women in these essays were the ones that helped bring that event about as well as determining the shape of things to come for their posterity.

History...Yesterday in the Present, No. 12

Happy birthday, Bill of Rights!

December 15, 2015 by NCC Staff 

(Original article appears on National Constitution Center website)

Today we celebrate the anniversary of the first 10 amendments, known as the Bill of Rights (ratified December 15, 1791). Here’s what you need to know:

WHAT IT DOES

The 10 amendments that make up the Bill of Rights guarantee essential rights and civil liberties:

— The First Amendment guarantees the freedom of religion, speech, the press, assembly, and petition.
— The Second Amendment guarantees the right to bear arms.
— The Third Amendment prohibits the forced quartering of soldiers.
— The Fourth Amendment protects people from unreasonable searches and seizures.
— The Fifth Amendment prohibits people from being subjected to double jeopardy or being forced to testify against themselves; ensures that “life, liberty, or property” may only be taken through due process of law; and private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
— The Sixth Amendment protects the right to a fair trial by jury.
— The Seventh Amendment protects the right to a jury trial in civil cases.
— The Eighth Amendment prohibits excessive bail and cruel and unusual punishment.
— The Ninth Amendment emphasizes that certain rights being listed in the Constitution does not mean those are the only rights that belong to the people.
— The 10th Amendment states that any powers not granted to the federal government are reserved to the states and the people.

WHY IT WAS ADDED

One key debate surrounding the creation of the U.S. Constitution was the inclusion of a Bill of Rights. Several delegates at the Constitutional Convention were concerned that without a Bill of Rights, our most important rights would be unprotected. Others felt that a Bill of Rights was unnecessary and that outlining certain rights would imply that those were the only rights reserved to the people. By the end of the convention, a Bill of Rights was overruled.
The Constitution, sans Bill of Rights, was signed by 39 delegates on September 17, 1787, at Independence Hall in Philadelphia. Three other delegates were present but refused to sign–in part because of the absence of a Bill of Rights: Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts and Edmund Randolph and George Mason of Virginia.
After the convention, the absence of a Bill of Rights emerged as a central part of the ratification debates. Anti-Federalists, who opposed ratification, pointed to the missing Bill of Rights as a fatal flaw. Several states ratified the Constitution on the condition that a Bill of Rights be promptly added, and many even offered suggestions for what to include.

WORD-FOR-WORD

Amendment I
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.
Amendment II
A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.
Amendment III
No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.
Amendment IV
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
Amendment V
No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
Amendment VI
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.
Amendment VII
In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise reexamined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.
Amendment VIII
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
Amendment IX
The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.
Amendment X
The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

Recent Stories on The Bill Of Rights
Can you pass a Bill of Rights quiz?
Happy birthday, Bill of Rights!
Why didn’t the original 12 amendments make it into the Bill of Rights?
Eight basic facts about the Bill of Rights

History...Yesterday in the Present, No. 11

 Reposting this from Brooks Simpson's Crossroads blog where it appeared earlier today. Crossroads

On December 6, 1865, the Thirteenth Amendment became part of the United States Constitution.





Note that when the amendment went out to the state legislatures for ratification, Abraham Lincoln affixed his signature … an unnecessary part of the process. Just ask Andrew Johnson.



That’s how the New York Herald informed its readers of this event on December 7. Note that it was Georgia’s ratification that made the amendment part of the Constitution.
Free at last, indeed. What freedom would mean was still left to be defined.
One should note, however, the oft-overlooked exception:
—-
Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.
Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
—-
Some people like to think this still means that slavery survives in some form. Apparently the phrase “involuntary servitude” escapes their notice. After all, a work crew of prisoners is engaged in “involuntary servitude,” and the amendment did not prevent the evolution of chain gangs.
Section Two would become familiar wording in the drafting of constitutional amendments during Reconstruction. Usually the story of the amendment ends with its ratification (and indeed the drama of the story ends with the congressional passage of the amendment). But southern legislatures knew better: several attempted to restrict the meaning of the second section because they were worried about how Congress might attempt not only to define but also to protect freedom. For those of you who think it would have been a good idea to let white southerners manage their own reconstruction, these reservations suggest that if left to themselves white southerners would have restricted black freedom to the bare minimum, as the Black Codes would suggest. So much for the fable of white and black southerners living together in blissful harmony.
For more, read Kevin Levin’s essay.

The Mad Historian's Athenaeum, Vol. 1, No. 23

Freire, Paulo. Pedagogy of the Oppressed, 30^th Anniversary Edition. Translated by Myra B. Ramos. New York: Continuum, 2000. 189 ppg.

            Having studied the works of Paulo Freire for a few years in my doctoral studies, I always wanted to read Pedagogy of the Oppressed at one point. I finally made time and am not disappointed. Freire made his point quite clearly and I can see where his pedagogical ideas arise from. It helps that I understand the context of Freire’s work because otherwise this book is very likely to be seen as a Marxist educational tract. The language is that of revolution, but not of the violent sort. Instead, Freire took pains to stress that the revolution was that of the mind alone through pedagogy. He referred to this as a dialogical revolution, not a violent one. 

            Understanding the history of this book and Paulo Freire is required in order to properly interpret the contents. Freire was an educator in Brazil in the 1960s who worked with illiterate peasants. He developed a way to teach the peasants how to read in a phenomenally short time. The problem with that was Freire also taught them to question their place in the world. The military dictatorship running Brazil could not allow its subjects to question its authority. No totalitarian state can allow that. It lets the peasants begin to reject the rule by the elites. 

            As a result, Freire was imprisoned. Later, he was exiled whereupon he set out to transform the lower classes through education. Brazil’s mistake was the world’s benefit though. Freire would work on his theories and write many books. This book was the first of several and it had a major impact on the world of education. Today, Freire is seen as the Godfather of Critical Pedagogy. His work influences educational theorists. Action research methods are often found to draw many of their ideas from Freire. For all of these people, it begins with the reading of Pedagogy of the Oppressed. 

            What is somewhat controversial today is how Freire wrote about the Cuban Revolution in this book. Bear in mind he wrote it in 1973 and this was before a lot of the information about the failures of Castro’s regime had become widely known. His point of view was without a doubt biased as he wrote from the perspective of someone who would have supported Castro had he been in Cuba in the 1950s. Most of what Freire quotes from the revolution deals with the way Castro’s revolutionaries merged with the peasants of Cuba until both were the same. That was instrumental in the success of the Revolution. So Freire points this out and the process by which it occurred. 

            While some are willing to label Freire a Marxist for this view, the point must be made that historically speaking, this was exactly how successful revolutions were able to survive and grow in a hostile climate. It was through a dialogue that the relationship between the two groups grew. Had Castro used coercion to force support from the peasants his revolution would have failed. That he would install a repressive regime lacking many of the freedoms he promised to the peasants is noted by Freire. Indeed, Freire points out that this is not a true revolution when this occurs as the oppressor has simply been replaced by another oppressor. 

            This is a pretty important point to note. There is no way the book could have been used as the pedagogical guide that it is if Freire had advocated violent insurrection and totalitarian government. Keep in mind that he wrote this book for people living in Latin America, not the United States. This is also where people have incorrect perspectives. It is also why the book was well received by people in Latin America, most of whom were living under repressive totalitarian governments. Freire was speaking directly to them, the people for whom education was denied. He saw education as one of the pivotal means of creating the ability for the people to revolt against the oppressors. 

            The language used in the book is clearly Marxist in nature, but it is simplistic in identifying who the players are in the system of oppression. Again, he was speaking to people who had low levels of education. He kept it simple so they could understand and apply the concepts to their own lives. Remember, Freire found a way to teach adult peasants how to read in a month. He understood who he was teaching on a level beyond most people. Reading Pedagogy from that perspective really is the best possible way to begin interpreting it. The book itself is a education cornerstone. Freire followed it up with more books, but this one is the base he would build his philosophy of Critical Pedagogy upon. It is clearly worth five stars as one of the seminal educational texts of all time.

According to Jim, Vol. I, No. 19

    
    I somehow missed out on discovering the newest PBS documentary, The Pilgrims by Ric Burns. I had the opportunity to watch it this week via online viewing and it is outstanding. This is definitely not the mythical version of the Pilgrims, but instead is a very fact driven account of what took place in the early 17th century. Gone are the trappings of the sanitized accounts of their early years. Instead, historians deliver the unvarnished reality the Pilgrims were forced to endure and the choices they made to ensure their own survival.

PBS The Pilgrims

Ric Burns is the younger brother of Ken Burns. Both worked on The Civil War together. In addition to his collaborations with Ken, Ric has made several documentaries with the most well known being New York: A Documentary Film. That is one I am going to have to go watch. The Pilgrims is narrated by Oliver Platt and features Roger Rees in his last role as William Bradford. Rees is simply amazing to watch as he channels the character of Bradford merely by standing still. Bradford was a complex man for his day and Rees brings that out in every scene.

Additional commentators include Nathaniel Philbrick, Bernard Bailyn, Susan Hardman Moore, Pauline Croft, Nick Bunker, Sue Allen, Jill Lepore, John Demos, Kathleen Donegan, Linda Combs, Tobias Vanderhoop, Margaret Bruchae, and Michael Braddick. The senior historical advisor was Nick Bunker. Historical consultants included Virginia Anderson, Jeremy Bangs, Michael Braddick, Colin Calloway, Pauline Croft, John Demos, Jill Lepore,  and Richard Pickering. I loved watching Bernard Baily get animated on certain parts of the narrative. The man is over 90 and still shows his great love of history!

I strongly suggest you take a look at this film. I will definitely be culling parts for my class as well as picking up the film itself for my library.